With Bernie Sanders repeatedly talking about taxing "the rich", I thought it was prudent to take a quick look at his net worth as he declared on hisannual Senate financial disclosure for 2018.
Let's start by looking at his non-investment earnings outside of his Senate annual salary of$174,000:
City of Burlington, VT pension - $5,240.52
McMillan - St. Martin's Press book royalties - $391,000
Verso Publications book royalties - $1,810.37
Todd R. Lockwood Works royalties - $109.82
This brings Senator Sanders total non-investment earnings in calendar 2018 to $398,160.71 and when his Senate salary is included, his total non-investment earnings for 2018 were $572,160.71.
Now, let's look at his assets as shown on these screen captures from his financial disclosure:
Since the value of the assets are only declared in ranges, here are the two key numbers:
Minimum Value of Assets - $427,027
Maximum Value of Assets - $1,305,000
It is also important to note that the $250,001 to $500,000 that is currently on deposit at the U.S. Senate Federal Credit Union is being held for tax payments on the proceeds of the sale of Sanders' book.
When it comes to Senator Sanders' liabilities, there is only one:
Finally, here is a complete list of Senator Sanders' reportable agreements, all of which are royalty agreements from his books and "We Shall Overcome" album:
While Bernie Sanders makes far more than a median American household as shownhere:
...his net worth (excluding the value of his homes in Vermont and Washington) is really rather modest given that his annual salary has ranged from $125,100 (in 1991 when he was the Representative from Vermont's at-large district) to its current level of $174,000. Compared to other members of Congress like Rep. Darrell Issa (net worth $283.3 million), Rep. Greg Gianforte (net worth $135.7 million) and fellow Senator Mark Warner (net worth $90.2 million), Bernie Sanders is almost Main Street when it comes to his net worth. If it weren't for his book writing skills, outside of his Senate salary, he would be pretty much average.
Thus far in the 2016
cycle, all candidates have raised a total of $837 million and Super PACs that
support them have raised $462 million for a total of $1.299 billion. Here
is a graphic showing the data for the remaining five candidates:
For completeness sake, here is the same data for the "also rans" who
found themselves on the losing side of the primary race:
Let's look at some
details for the top three candidates starting with Ms. Clinton. Here is a graphic showing her fundraising
totals and expenditures for her campaign committee as well as her political
action committees:
Ms. Clinton's campaign
committee has raised $229,303,008 and spent $186,841,222 leaving it with cash
on hand of $42.461 million. Additionally, outside groups have raised
$84,815,067 and spent $38,332,454 leaving them with $46.483 million in the
bank.
Here is a graphic showing
the source of funds:
Only 20 percent of Ms.
Clinton's individual contributions have come from small contributors (i.e. Main
Street USA).
Here is a table showing independent
expenditures both for and against Hillary Clinton:
Organizations and
individuals are allowed to spend unlimited money to either advocate for or
campaign against their chosen candidate/target.
Here is a screen capture showing both the
states and metropolitan areas that have, so far, been the top donors to Ms.
Clinton's run for the Oval Office:
Lastly for Ms. Clinton, here is a table showing the industries that
are the top donors to her 2016 campaign:
Not terribly surprising
given her penchant for speaking to the securities/investment/banking sector for
quarter of a million dollar plus paydays, the Securities and Investment
industry is her largest donor. This also explains the dominance of New
York as the metropolitan area that is, by a wide margin, her biggest financial
supporter.
Now, let's look at the
same data for Mr. Sanders. Here is a graphic showing his fundraising
totals and expenditures for his campaign as well as his political action
committees:
Mr. Sanders' campaign
committee has raised a total of $222,191,776 and spent $212,956,384 leaving it
with cash on hand of $9.235 million. Outside groups have raised only
$610,185, a tiny fraction of the $84.8 million raised by outside groups supporting
Ms. Clinton.
Here is a graphic showing
the source of the funds:
Again, in sharp contrast
to Ms. Clinton, 60 percent of Mr. Sanders' individual contributions have come
from small contributors compared to only 20 percent for Ms. Clinton.
Here is a table showing independent
expenditures both for and against Mr. Sanders:
Compared to Ms. Clinton,
the anti-Sanders spending has been very small, totalling less than $900,000
compared to Ms. Clinton's anti-Clinton independent expenditures of more than
$7.7 million.
Here is a graphic showing both the states and
metropolitan areas that have been the top donors for Mr. Sanders' campaign so
far:
His geographic spread is
much less concentrated than Ms. Clinton. In her case, she received over
$50.5 million from her top donating metropolitan area (New York City) compared to only
$4.849 million for Mr. Sanders' top donating metropolitan area (again, New York
City).
Lastly for Mr. Sanders, here is a graphic showing the industries that
are the top donors to his 2016 campaign:
Again, in sharp contrast
to Ms. Clinton, the Securities and Investment industry doesn't even appear on
his top 20 donors list which is actually composed of a much broader and more
"Main Street" sampling of U.S. industries.
Now, let's look at the
campaign financing of the last Republican man standing, Donald Trump. Here is a graphic showing his fundraising
totals and expenditures for his campaign as well as his political action
committees:
So far, his campaign
committee has raised $63,055,659 and spent $61,766,152 leaving it with cash on
hand of $1,289,508. Outside groups have raised only $3,294,908 and spent
$2,963,523, again, a tiny fraction of Hillary Clinton's total outside spending.
Here is a graphic showing
a breakdown of Mr. Trump's campaign financing:
In contrast to his
Democratic rivals, Mr. Trump has self-financed his campaign to the tune of
$45,703,185 or 72 percent of the total. Of the remaining 27 percent, 20
percent has come from small individual contributors and 7 percent has come from
large individual contributors.
Here is a table showing independent
expenditures both for and against Mr. Trump:
Like Ms. Clinton, there
is a great deal of independent money being spent against Mr. Trump's campaign.
Thus far, over $63 million has been spent by Mr. Trump's foes, handily
beating the anti-Clinton independent expenditures of "only" $7.7
million.
Here is a graphic showing
both the states and metropolitan areas that have been the top donors for Mr.
Trump's campaign so far:
Here are the industries that have been the top
donors to Mr. Trump's campaign:
Given that his campaign is mainly self-funded, I guess we could say that the real estate industry is primarily responsible for most of his campaign funding.
In closing, when you look at the data behind the headline numbers, I find it
quite interesting that two of the candidates, Mr. Trump and Mr. Sanders, are
running what can best be termed a "grass roots" campaign with Mr.
Sanders heavily relying on small donors from a wide range of industries funding
his campaign, similar to what Mr. Trump has done if one excludes his
self-funding which, in itself, is quite anomalous. This is in sharp
contrast to Ms. Clinton who has appealed strongly to wealthier donors,
concentrated in one geographic region and one industry, an industry that has
provided the Clinton family with tens of millions of dollars in income outside of the political theatre.
In part one of this
two-part posting, I looked at the few details that we have from Hillary
Clinton's tax plan for America. Unfortunately, as I noted, she has not
fully released her tax plan for lower- and middle-income Americans so, as it
stands now, her tax plan looks far more palatable than her competitor, Bernie
Sanders, who has "bared his tax soul" for all to see.
Thanks to the Tax Policy
Center, we have a full analysis of Mr. Sanders' tax plan. Mr. Sanders' plan
proposes significant increases in federal income, payroll business and estate
taxes and adds two large excise tax programs. This increased revenue will
be used to pay for new government programs including free tuition at public
post-secondary institutions, a single-payer health care program and paid family
and medical leave. Here is a more detailed breakdown:
1.) Individual Income
Taxes: Here is a table showing how the Sanders' tax plan will impact tax
rates and how his proposals compare to current tax rates:
Tax rates for all income
levels are increased through the use of a 2.2 percent surtax on all taxable
income. As well, the rate of taxes on capital gains, dividends and other
investment income for the top three tax brackets will rise from between 15 and
20 percent to 28 percent. In addition, net investment income is subject to an
additional 3.8 percent surtax if the taxpayer's income exceeds $200,000 or
$250,000 for couples.
Here's what will happen
to marginal tax rates under the Sanders' plan:
The top marginal tax rate
will hit a post-Reagan era high of 54.2 percent but will still be below the 70 percent rate in effect prior to enactment of the Economic Recovery and Tax Act of 1981.
2.) Business Taxes:
The Sanders' tax plan proposes measures that will change the tax
treatment of foreign profits earned by U.S. multinationals. Under the
current system, U.S. companies can defer foreign earnings until they repatriate
these earnings under a scheme known as "deferral". Under the
Sanders' tax plan, deferrals will be ended. The Sanders' tax plan will
also impact corporate inversions (as discussed in the posting on the Clinton tax plan); companies with central
management in the United States will be taxed as U.S. resident corporations
meaning that inversions can no longer take place simply by changing where a
corporation is chartered. As well, earnings stripping (also discussed
in the posting on the Clinton tax plan) will be less advantageous; the Sanders' tax plan will limit a company's
U.S. interest deductions if the company’s net
interest expenses for US tax purposes exceed its net interest expenses on
consolidated financial statements, the same as the Clinton tax plan.
Pass-through businesses (i.e. sole proprietorships and partnerships) are
currently not subject to corporate income taxes and the net income of the
business is taxed only when it is declared as ordinary income by its owner.
Since a significant portion of the income received by high-income
earners comes from their participation in pass-through businesses, Mr.
Sanders' proposals to increase individual income taxes, particularly for the highest income earners, will have
a significant impact on income earned by pass-through business owners.
3.) Estate and Gift
Taxes: Increases in the federal estate and gift taxes will be used to
finance Mr. Sanders' new health insurance program. He would restore the
2009 exemption level of $3.5 million and transfers between spouses will remain
exempt. The current 40 percent tax rate would be replaced with a tax rate
based on the size of the estate, graduating from 45 percent on an estate valued
between $3.5 million and $10 million, rising to 55 percent on an estate valued
in excess of $50 million. Estates valued at more than $500 million would
be subjected to a 10 percent surtax. It is estimated that approximated
10,500 estates would be impacted by these changes in 2017.
4.) Payroll Taxes:
Mr. Sanders proposes a new 6.2 percent payroll tax to be paid by
employers to finance his universal Medicare program which would apply
to all earnings. He also proposes a new 0.2 percent payroll tax paid by
both employers and employees on wages up to the Social Security taxable
maximum. His plan would also apply the current 12.4 percent Social Security
payroll tax to earnings over $250,000 to pay for his expanded Social Security
benefits.
5.) Excise taxes:
The Sanders' tax proposal includes new excise taxes on financial
transactions and carbon. The financial transaction tax would tax stock sales
at 0.500 percent, bond sales at 0.100 percent and derivative contracts at 0.005
percent. Revenues from this tax would be used to reduce student loan
debt and make post-secondary education at public institutions free. The
carbon tax would start at $15 per ton of carbon dioxide in 2017, phasing up to
$73 per ton in 2035 and rising by 5 percent plus the inflation rate in
subsequent years as shown on this table:
The carbon tax would be imposed
on coal, petroleum, petroleum products and natural gas. Receipts from the
carbon tax would be distributed to taxpayers as a quarterly rebate and would
phase out for taxpayers with incomes over $100,000.
Let's summarize.
Here is a table showing how the Sanders' tax plan will impact federal
income taxes by income level:
In 2017, the Sanders' tax
plan would increase tax burdens by an average of nearly $9000 and reduce
after-tax income by approximately 12.4 percent. The average tax increase
for the lowest-income families would be $165 compared to $4700 for middle
income families and $45,000 for the top fifth of families.
The Tax Policy Centre
estimates that the Sanders' tax policy changes would increase federal tax
revenues by $15.337 trillion between 2016 and 2026 with the new 6.2 percent
health care payroll tax accounting for 28 percent of the additional receipts.
If these new receipts were used to reduce the federal debt, including
reduced interest costs, the debt could be reduced by $18 trillion through to
2026 and $56 trillion through 2036. However, there is a fly in the
ointment; the Sanders' tax plan proposes to use the increased tax receipts to
fund new government spending programs, not reduce the federal debt. According
to TPC calculations, the new Medicare for All proposal alone would cost at
least $1.38 trillion annually. Interestingly, despite the high cost of the new plan, calculations show that the Sanders' plan would cost over $6 trillion less than the current health care system over the next ten years and that a typical middle class family would pay just $466 annually to a single-payer program compared to $4955 in premiums and $1318 in deductibles to private health insurance companies.
As we can see, thus far, Mr. Sanders' tax program has a strong social democratic lean to it. While this offends some Americans who view it as "communist" in its approach, in fact, many of the world's "happiest countries" have strong government-mandated social programs including Norway, Finland, Denmark, Sweden, New Zealand and even Canada where they don't have death panels or set their elderly adrift on ice floes. The upside to social democracy is that the citizens of these nations never have to worry about healthcare-related bankruptcy, the number one cause of bankruptcy in the United States.
While the mainstream
media focuses on Bernie Sanders and criticizes his democratic socialist
domestic policies, as we will see in this posting, Bernie Sanders has a very
long and very consistent policies on one key issue that goes back decades, the
issue of the right and just American role in foreign affairs. I apologize in advance for the length of this posting but I want to give Senator Sanders a fair chance to defend his foreign policy agenda.
Let's open with this
interview that Bernie Sanders gave in 1989 to CSPAN back when he was
just ending the last of four two-year terms as the mayor of Burlington,
Vermont:
Here's the key part of
the exchange:
"INTERVIEWER: At various
times the governments of Nicaragua and the previous government of Grenada have
said that they were not Communist. They were socialist, Marxist, how do you
relate to that?
SANDERS: I agree with
that. I agree with that! What they said, what the government of Grenada said,
under Maurice Bishop is that they wanted to forge their own way. And they were
overthrown by the United States government. In Nicaragua, you have a government
which has...came to power and I believe has tried to do the right thing for its
people in terms of health care, land reform, education. If you trace the
history of the United States vis a vis Latin America and Central America, there
has never been a time where a country made a revolution for the poor people
where it was not overthrown by the CIA or the United States government, or the
marines. Salvador Allende was democratically elected by the people of Chile. He
made the mistake of believing that his job as president of that country was to
represent the people of Chile. And he did his best. And he was overthrown by
the CIA. So the interesting question is why does the United States government
think, whether its Nicaragua or any other country in Latin or Central America
that it has the right to overthrow those governments." (my bold)
Not only is it rare to
hear an American politician talk about the role of CIA-led covert
operations in foreign nations, it is even rarer to hear the mayor of a small
American city have such a grasp on American over-reach into the politics of
other nations. Obviously, he had a very accurate assessment of the foibles of American foreign policy.
For those of you that are
not aware, Chile's Salvador Allende was overthrown after he made moves to
nationalize Chile's copper industry. At that time, two of the leading
Chilean copper companies, Kennicott and Anaconda, were owned by U.S.-based
mining companies. With the assistance of the CIA and U.S. government, a
military coup took place which ended the life of Salvador Allende.
Allende was replaced by General Augusto Pinochet, a man whose government
tortured at least 28,000 people, executed 2,279 and left 1,248 missing between
September 1973 and March 1990. In addition, approximately 200,000
Chileans were exiled.
A little discussed committee
from the 1970s took a long, hard look at the role of the American intelligence services in global affairs. In 1975 and 1976, The Church Committee aka the United
States Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to
Intelligence Activities looked at the potential abuses of both law and power by
the various U.S. intelligence agencies. The Church Committee, under the
leadership of its chairman, Senator Frank Church, took testimony from hundreds
of people, accumulated files from the FBI, CIA, NSA, IRS and other federal
agencies and issued 14 reports. Since 1992, over 50,000 pages of the
Church Committee Records have been released to the public, giving us insight
into how the United States has attempted to assassinate foreign leaders and
otherwise influence foreign governments, spy on American citizens and
infiltrate organizations that were considered "leftist" (i.e.
anti-Vietnam War). Here is a highlight from Book 1:
"Nowhere in the
National Security Act of 1947 was the CIA explicitly empowered to collect
intelligence or intervene secretly in the affairs of other nations. But
the elastic phrase, "such other functions," was used by successive
presidents to move the Agency into espionage, covert action, paramilitary
operations, and technical intelligence collection. Often conceived as having
granted significant peacetime power's and flexibility to the CIA and the NSC,
the National Security Act actually legislated that authority to the President.”
If you go to this link, you'll find an entire report
entitled "Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders" from
the Select Committee to Study Government Operations With Respect to
Intelligence Activities" from November 1975. Here are some
interesting pages:
The report outlines the
plot to poison Castro using pills containing botulism toxin, a method that was
recommended by mobster Sam Giancana. This is a prime example of American intelligence community overreaching
Let's go back to the Church Committee and look at some of their conclusions.Here they are:
"(1) The most basic
conclusion reached by the Committee is that covert action must be seen as an
exceptional act, to be undertaken only when the national security requires it
and when overt means will not suffice. The Committee concludes that the policy
and procedural barriers are presently inadequate to insure that any covert
operation is absolutely essential to the national security. These barriers must
be tightened and raised or covert action should be abandoned as an instrument
of foreign policy.
(2) On the basis of the
record, the Committee has concluded that covert action must in no case be a
vehicle for clandestinely undertaking actions incompatible with American
principles. The Committee has already moved to condemn assassinations and to
recommend a statute to forbid such activities. It is the Committee's
view that the standards to acceptable covert activity should also exclude
covert operations in an attempt to subvert democratic governments or provide
support for police or other internal security forces which engage in the
systematic violation of human rights.
(3) Covert operations
must be based on a careful and systematic analysis of a given situation, possible
alternative outcome, the threat to American interests of these possible
outcomes, and above all, the likely consequences of an attempt to intervene. A
former senior intelligence analyst told the Committee:
"Clearly actions
were taken on the basis of some premises, but they seem not to have been
arrived at by any sober and systematic analysis, and tended often, it appeared,
to be simplistic and passionate. In fact, thei-e was often little or
no relationship between the view of world politics as a whole, or of particular
situations of threat held by operatoi's on the one hand, and analysts
on the other. The latter were rarely consulted by the former, and then only in
partial disingenious and even misleading ways.""
Now that we've seen how
Bernie Sanders regards the use of the U.S. intelligence network as a delivery
system for American foreign policy in light of what the Church Committee and other Senate Committees have found, let's look at what he had to say about the
Iraq War back in 2002:
Here are the key
sentences:
"Mr. Speaker, I do not think any Member of this body
disagrees that Saddam Hussein is a tyrant, a murderer, and a man who has
started two wars. He is clearly someone who cannot be trusted or believed. The
question, Mr. Speaker, is not whether we like Saddam Hussein or not. The
question is whether he represents an imminent threat to the American people and
whether a unilateral invasion of Iraq will do more harm than good.
Mr.
Speaker, the front page of The Washington Post today reported that all relevant
U.S. intelligence agencies now say despite what we have heard from the White
House that ``Saddam Hussein is unlikely to initiate a chemical or biological
attack against the United States.'' Even more importantly, our intelligence
agencies say that should Saddam conclude that a U.S.-led attack could no longer
be deterred, he might at that point launch a chemical or biological
counterattack. In other words, there is more danger of an attack on the United
States if we launch a precipitous invasion....I am concerned about the
problems of so-called unintended consequences. Who will
govern Iraq when Saddam Hussein is removed and what role will the
U.S. play in ensuing a civil war that could develop in that country? Will
moderate governments in the region who have large Islamic fundamentalist
populations be overthrown and replaced by extremists?"
Let's close
with this excerpt from a
speech given at Georgetown University in November 2015, focussing on the section regarding the current events in the Middle East:
"A new and
strong coalition of Western powers, Muslim nations, and countries like Russia
must come together in a strongly coordinated way to combat ISIS, to seal the
borders that fighters are currently flowing across, to share counter-terrorism
intelligence, to turn off the spigot of terrorist financing, and to end support
for exporting radical ideologies.
What does
all of this mean? Well, it means that, in many cases, we must ask more from
those in the region. While Jordan, Turkey, Egypt, and Lebanon have accepted
their responsibilities for taking in Syrian refugees, other countries in the
region have done nothing or very little.
Equally
important, and this is a point that must be made – countries in the region like
Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, UAE – countries of enormous wealth and resources –
have contributed far too little in the fight against ISIS. That must change.
King Abdallah is absolutely right when he says that that the Muslim nations
must lead the fight against ISIS, and that includes some of the most wealthy
and powerful nations in the region, who, up to this point have done far too
little.
Saudi
Arabia has the 3rd largest defense budget in the world, yet instead of fighting
ISIS they have focused more on a campaign to oust Iran-backed Houthi rebels in
Yemen. Kuwait, a country whose ruling family was restored to power by U.S.
troops after the first Gulf War, has been a well-known source of financing for
ISIS and other violent extremists. It has been reported that Qatar will spend
$200 billion on the 2022 World Cup, including the construction of an enormous
number of facilities to host that event – $200 billion on hosting a soccer
event, yet very little to fight against ISIS. Worse still, it has been widely
reported that the government has not been vigilant in stemming the flow of
terrorist financing, and that Qatari individuals and organizations funnel money
to some of the most extreme terrorist groups, including al Nusra and ISIS.
All of this
has got to change. Wealthy and powerful Muslim nations in the region can no
longer sit on the sidelines and expect the United States to do their work for
them. As we develop a strongly coordinated effort, we need a commitment from
these countries that the fight against ISIS takes precedence over the religious
and ideological differences that hamper the kind of cooperation that we
desperately need."
That sounds like the basis for a very cogent foreign policy to me although I rather doubt that the American military-industrial-congressional complex will see it that way.
I have been an avid follower of the world's political and economic scene since the great gold rush of 1979 - 1980 when it seemed that the world's economic system was on the verge of collapse. I am most concerned about the mounting level of government debt and the lack of political will to solve the problem. Actions need to be taken sooner rather than later when demographic issues will make solutions far more difficult. As a geoscientist, I am also concerned about the world's energy future; as we reach peak cheap oil, we need to find viable long-term solutions to what will ultimately become a supply-demand imbalance.